Saturday, March 31, 2012

Is sustainable local development a persuasive alternative to microfinance?

Global development: Poverty matters blog | guardian.co.uk

Milford Bateman has made a cogent case for community-based financial institutions that prioritise sustainable local solutions

Milford Bateman is perhaps best known for his strident attacks on microfinance as an anti-poverty strategy, including his sometimes acrimonious debates with David Roodman, another microfinance analyst. Bateman claims that, by diverting resources away from more productive investments and indebting poor people with no significant return, the microfinance "fad" has been anti-developmental, benefiting lenders most.

If, like me, you have been an instinctive believer in microfinance for the past few years, Bateman's critique is worrying. But even more worrying, perhaps, is the fact that Roodman, his apparent adversary on the subject, is also unconvinced. "We do not have credible academic evidence that microcredit on average lifts people out of poverty," says Roodman. "We [also] do not have evidence that microfinance is systematically making people worse off." Hardly reassuring.

No one, it seems, is able to back up the microfinance industry's claims to be reducing poverty. In a systematic review of the evidence, Maren Duvendack, of the Overseas Development Institute, also gives what can only be described as a thumbs-down to the multi-billion dollar industry, concluding: "[There is] no clear evidence that microfinance has any positive or negative impacts."

But while much has been written on the rights and wrongs of microfinance, there has been less analysis of what might replace it and how funds could be better used to help poor communities move out of poverty. This is the question on which Bateman has developed a position that is compelling, well-evidenced and firmly part of the heterodox economic tradition populated by development economist Alice Amsden, who sadly died last week just as her ideas are regaining ground.

Speaking at a conference on local development last week in Medellin, Bateman argued that where the local private sector (that is, small- and medium-sized enterprise) has developed successfully in the past, local governments have played a strong and decisive hand. This is in contrast to the neo-liberal insistence that the state should have little to do with local development. Europe's postwar recovery, according to Bateman, was managed under broadly Keynesian macro-principles and a tolerance for planning. From northern Italy to the Basque country, from west Germany to Scandinavia, local and regional governments were strongly interventionist in support of their small and medium enterprises (SMEs), and the upgrading of technological capacities was facilitated by access to affordable finance.

The east Asian economic miracle was, of course, no miracle at all. It was a set of carefully selected policies to support local private sector growth, starting with South Korea and Taiwan learning from Japan's support to SMEs. China engaged in a range of local government interventions to support the private sector, long before foreign direct investment came into play. Vietnam is the latest country to build success on town and village administrative support for small-scale family farms and businesses; it now dominates several global sectors, and is the world's third-largest rice exporter (after the US and Thailand).

In contrast, in Bangladesh, the home of microfinance, an NGO sector has been built up to the detriment of state capacity: as finance is circulated through the "big four" microfinance institutions (Grameen Bank, BRAC, ASA and Proshika) into informal microenterprises with no growth potential, the SME sector remains almost non-existent.

The other example Bateman gives is Jeff Sachs' infamous "shock therapy" experiment in 1980s Bolivia – again, savings and remittances circulated through for-profit microfinance institutions (such as BancoSol) and into "postage stamp" farms and informal microenterprises, leaving growth-oriented small enterprises with no support.

Bateman is highly critical of the World Bank's Doing Business project, which he thinks is ideological and "driven forward by business elites". Instead of addressing substantive and systematic issues at the local level that might require a collective response or co-ordinated state intervention – for instance demand constraints, affordable finance, lack of technical back-up, weak/non-existent agricultural extension services – it focuses on issues such as streamlined registration (the ease of registering a business), which is fairly irrelevant to business development.

Bateman's alternative is based on an analysis of what has worked. There is now a need for community-based financial institutions that prioritise sustainable local development, such as credit unions, financial co-operatives, community and local state development banks, and social venture capitalist funds.

In short, Bateman does for local development what economist Ha-Joon Chang has done for national development. He emphasises first how important it can be for local and national governments to get heavily involved in local development strategies, sets out examples of successful efforts of the past, and argues for an evolutionary approach whereby an appropriate mix of public and private is developed for each unique context. It is a convincing pitch, and one that should get extensive coverage.


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It's time to move beyond aid | John Hilary

Global development: Poverty matters blog | guardian.co.uk

Countries that have successfully tackled poverty and inequality have done so not through foreign assistance but through the liberation of their own social, human and economic forces

The UK should abandon the UN target of spending 0.7% of gross national income on overseas aid, says the House of Lords economic affairs committee. The aid agencies are outraged. The Daily Mail is over the moon. Who is right?

Much of what the noble peers concluded is undeniably correct. Aid can often create dependency among recipient countries, diverting genuine development efforts in a desperate attempt to qualify for the next injection of funds. By the same token, it also undermines democracy – especially where governments depend on aid for large proportions of their national budget.

Aid can also be an open invitation to corruption. The international development secretary, Andrew Mitchell, was forced to defend himself before parliament over his recent attempts to use British aid to secure arms contracts from India, despite the fact that such abuses are in breach of the 2002 International Development Act. India's eventual preference for French rather than British fighter jets only added insult to injury.

The Lords committee report is also correct to draw attention to the quality of aid, and to point out that aid can do harm as well as good. The Labour government came under fire for its habit of using British aid to fund privatisation consultants around the world, even when this was shown to be deeply damaging. The coalition government has been criticised for its fixation with a short-termist approach to aid that ticks boxes but does nothing to address the root causes of poverty.

But the central point is that we must now move beyond aid in any discussion of social and economic justice. No one in their right mind claims that aid can provide a path to long-term sustainable development. Those countries that have managed to tackle poverty and inequality have done so not through aid but through the liberation of social, human and economic forces that have transcended the need for external assistance.

These achievements have been realised through making positive choices in policies on industry, agriculture (including land reform), investment (foreign and national), trade, finance, employment, etc.

This does not mean setting a universal blueprint for all countries to follow, as the World Bank and IMF tried so disastrously to do in the two "lost decades" of the 1980s and 1990s. It means political struggle between social forces at the national level over which mix of policy choices is most appropriate for each country to adopt, and a radical reorientation of the rules of the global economy to free poorer countries from being trapped in relations of unequal exchange.

Sadly, the millennium development goals agreed in 2000 drew attention away from this pressing agenda. By focusing on the symptoms of human poverty rather than its underlying determinants, the goals have arguably diverted attention from the real business of development. Reclaiming that agenda will be a key part of moving the debate forward beyond 2015.

But perhaps the greatest problem with aid is that it perpetuates the colonial myth that the countries of the global south require "our" intervention to save them from themselves. This myth is further reinforced through aid agencies' persistent use of degrading images of starving African children in their fundraising appeals today, despite agreement many years ago that such imagery was unacceptable.

The Lords committee report is to be welcomed for raising these important points and challenging the unchallenged truths of overseas aid. But that must only be the start of it. The discussion must now move beyond aid and link up with the aspirations of those democratic forces and social movements across the world whose demand is freedom.


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Existing Forever Versus Doing Some Good

SSIR Opinion & Analysis

An op-ed piece in the Wall Street Journal a few weeks ago argued that donors should construct their foundations to spend down assets as rapidly as possible, lest the foundations end up supporting causes their donors would revile. This familiar argument comes with a familiar whipping boy: the Ford Foundation, which has an enthusiasm for assisting the poor and marginalized that was certainly not shared by its eponymous founder, Henry. This focus on donor intent is common in discussions of the ideal lifespan of foundations.

I've never cared particularly about the intent of dead donors. First of all, they're dead, and while death may not extinguish intent as a matter of law, it certainly does as a matter of common sense. Second, how much better off do we really think the world would be if Ford's foundation had spent all its money on Ford's enthusiasms, such as promoting publication of the scurrilous anti-Semitic tract The Learned Protocols of the Elders of Zion? Third and most important, the tax-free status of foundations is supposed to encourage philanthropy, not the accumulation of permanently idle, tax-free money.

I've long argued that the minimum expenditure required of foundations is way too minimal and that setting up a structure to give away 5 percent of income shouldn't entitle a donor to a 100 percent tax shelter–whatever his or her intent. Most likely that intent was to escape from taxation, without too much more thought than that.

So let's think about the issue not from the standpoint of donor intent but from the standpoint of social good. Which is more useful for a philanthropy: a) hanging around in perpetuity to grapple with issues that may arise a generation or three from now, or b) spending down in the present and relatively short-term future on issues that the donor understands and cares about, and that, in any case, are urgent? I'm sure you can guess my position: Spend it down.

Julius Rosenwald saw the wisdom of this approach when he created a program of professional development fellowships for African-American artists. Rather than keep the fellowships around in perpetuity, he ordered that the principal be awarded completely within five years of his death. As a result, nearly every mid-20th-Century African-American artist you've ever heard of received a Rosenwald Fellowship, including Ralph Ellison, Romare Beardon, Katherine Dunham, and Gordon Parks. The value of what Rosenwald did—giving artists enough money so they could work without fear or distraction—is literally incalculable.

But also as a result, hardly anyone remembers Julius Rosenwald, or at least not his fellowship program. So that presents the question: Are we in the business of fostering greatness, or memorializing it? Is remembering a donor as important as creating work through a donor's generosity? Again, the answer is self-evident. I'd rather be grateful for Ralph Ellison than to Julius Rosenwald.

Look, here's the deal: People will make money in every generation, and in every generation some people will make a lot of money. If we tax them properly, they'll look for the opportunity to shelter their money in philanthropy. Why shouldn't we tax them so that they're motivated to spend it philanthropically too? Like the bus, another chunk of money will be along any minute.

Sure, there's a risk of spending too rapidly and with insufficient research (or "due diligence," as people are fond of saying when they want to pretend that the nonprofit sector is really just like a business). But the greater risk is the situation in which we find ourselves now, where philanthropies give out amounts insufficient to make any significant change. No, philanthropy isn't supposed to be society's primary source of support, but while people are busy starving government so they can drown it in the bathtub, private wealth can and should step into the breach.

Consider the contributions of the Gates Foundations to the Global Fund to Fight AIDS, TB, and Malaria. Can anyone really argue that it would be better to hold back on eradicating those diseases, in case there's some bigger plague later on? If there is, as AIDS itself demonstrates, we'll mobilize and raise money for it. Meanwhile, in the case of every ailment, time is our enemy: The later we provide resources, the harder it will be for those resources to make an impact.

Two things need to happen: Philanthropists themselves need to organize their giving so that it ends within a reasonable time after their death, and Congress needs to modify the tax code to require that philanthropies pay out more each year to retain their tax-favored status. A 10 percent annual payout–double the current rate–may end up causing philanthropies to dip into principal, maybe even until they run empty. But remember the words of Citizen Kane as he contemplated the financial difficulties of his newspaper empire:  "I did lose a million dollars last year. I expect to lose a million dollars this year. I expect to lose a million dollars next year. You know, Mr. Thatcher, at the rate of a million dollars a year, I'll have to close this place in…60 years."  Let's take a Kane-like risk of running out of money.

One more story: Sometime in the 90s, Joan Kroc stood up at a Ronald McDonald House benefit to announce her annual gift. Rumor had it she was actually going to make a five-year pledge, and everyone at the table where I was sitting indulged in the parlor game of trying to figure out just how much that would be.  We took the previous year's gift ($5 million), expected a little bump (so $6 million) for each of 5 years, and settled on $30 million. She rose to speak—a little woman holding a torn-off piece of yellow legal paper in her hand—and said, "I was going to make a 5-year gift, but then I thought: 'The need is now.' So tonight, I'm giving $50 million to Ronald McDonald Children's Charities." Everyone at the table fell back in their seats, literally knocked over by her generosity and also her insight: The need is now.

Aside from Ronald McDonald, Mrs. Kroc mostly supported causes that her late husband disapproved of. If only he'd given more in the present, he wouldn't have had to contemplate a future in which his money went to organizations and causes he despised. So the donor's intention and the sector's need are in sync: Spend it now.

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